Batas Tungku dan Badai​

Batas Tungku dan Badai

Titik adalah salah satu representasi perempuan Jawa yang hidup dalam kultur mengabdi pada agama dan suami. Saat berusia 19 tahun, ia pernah bekerja sebagai pekerja domestik migran di kota Al Qassim, Arab Saudi selama 2,5 tahun. Kemampuan linguistik dan kebiasaan mengaji Al-Qur’an membuat ia cepat menguasai bahasa Arab.
Ia pernah satu kali ditarik majikannya ke dalam kamar dan mendapatkan kejadian yang traumatis. Meskipun ia berhasil menolak dan menghindar, namun tetap membuat Titik trauma berat selama beberapa tahun. Ia mengurung diri, kerja tidak fokus, membayangkan hukuman rajam, sering menghindar dan tidak mau bersalaman dengan laki-laki. Yang membuat Titik semakin kalut adalah banyak TKW Indonesia pada saat itu yang pulang dengan keadaan hamil.
Instalasi besi, kebab, sandwich, dan daging kambing, adalah simbol kuasa yang kami hadirkan sebagai intervensi antara chaosnya kultur, agama, dan kekuasaan.
Catatan:
Sebelumnya, kami telah membuat naskah dengan memunculkan serangkaian metafora untuk meredam bahasa verbal dari peristiwa pelecehan dan kekerasan. Namun saat naskah bertemu dengan Titik yang bertindak sebagai performer, peristiwa menjadi tidak relevan antara tubuh Titik dan bahasa dalam naskah. Titik lebih nyaman bercerita secara langsung dengan bahasanya sendiri, tanpa naskah. Akhirnya setelah negosiasi dilakukan, kami mengubah modus pertunjukan menjadi kesaksian Titik sebagai jalan melepaskan trauma.

Rekonstruksi Paradoks (via Yordania – Taiwan)​

Rekonstruksi Paradoks (via Yordania - Taiwan)

Sunarti adalah salah satu eks-TKW klampisan yang mementingkan pendidikan anak. Menurut suaminya, biaya pendidikan yang mahal menjadi alasan utama mereka belum memiliki rumah hingga saat ini.
Pengalaman pertama Narti menjadi TKW di negara Yordania: pernah dilempari botol, dipukul, hingga ditelanjangi majikan perempuan karena dituduh mencuri cincin emas.
Negara berikutnya tempat Narti bekerja adalah Taiwan. Ia bekerja di kuil, mengurus seorang biksu tua perempuan. Dari Buddhisme, ia belajar banyak tentang toleransi dan menjadi seorang vegetarian.
Kisah Narti di dua negara tersebut memunculkan situasi paradoks. Kekerasan dan toleransi menjadi dua fenomena yang saling dipantulkan dalam performance rekonstruksi kejadian perkara.

Brown Women, Brown Kitchen

“Cuando pueda cocinar ya se puede casar”

 “Jika kau bisa memasak, maka kau bisa menikah”

 Ibuku, María Eugenia Lizano

There is a lot to say about cooking and women in the territory known today by the colonial term: “Latin America”, known by indigenous peoples in the area as: “Abya Yala” which means: “Thriving Land”.

But before talking about cooking and oppression let’s start from the beginning: skin color.

Before the spanish* invaders arrived in Abya Yala every single person in the continent had “kulit sawo matang”. The spanish colonizers were the first people seen with white skin in the whole region. A few decades after they settled in the continent, they learned the culture, the language, and the routes that led to gold, silver, water, and food, they attacked and started colonizing the entire continent.

They destroyed sacred places, enslaved women, men, and kids, forced native people to build churches and convert to Catholicism. They stole sacred artifacts, kidnapped brown people, and put them in human zoos. They brought with them diseases unknown to the natives and with no immunity to these diseases native people died faster than people dying from the COVID19 pandemic.

The british* colonization of the areas known today as Canada and the United States of America, (known before by indigenous peoples as “Turtle Island”) and the spanish* colonization in Abya Yala had a devastating effect on the native population. Within a short period of time their way of life changed forever. The changes were caused by a number of factors, including loss of land, disease, enforced laws that violated their culture, sovereignty, and organization system.

White men were desperately trying to “cleanse” the race and put themselves at the center of society and beauty standards. After mass campaigns of genocide and the systematic raping thousands and thousands of brown indigenous women, children were born, and these children started to have lighter and lighter skin.

The assimilation period was essentially a process of “whitening” suffered by indigenous people. Forcing them to be less and less indigenous and more european. Not only by getting lighter kids by skin color, but by forcing indigenous people to abandon their culture or be pushed to the fringes of the eurocentric settler-colonial state.

To break their spirits and their connection to their culture settlers forced indigenous people to cut their long hair, change their traditional clothing to european formal clothing, and discontinue tattooing, body adornment and abandon all cultural signifiers that identified them as other in favor of assimilating into a white christian world.

This is the reason why there are a lot of people with white skin in Turtle Island and Abya Yala, because the colonizers wanted to create a new europe in indigenous land. Europeans didn’t have another purpose, they wanted to exterminate indigenous people and spread their genes at all costs.

Why not make up a new entire race to trick indigenous people into believing that they are not indigenous anymore because europeans say so? And so the word “Mestizo” was born.

“Mestizo” or “mestiza” means “Mixed blood”, this was the race created by the colonizers that was assigned to every single mixed indigenous person born after the colonization in Abya Yala. They were so focused on erasing indigenous peoples that they created a colonial caste system with 16 different races to erase their own. Through several social traps, over the years, Aymara, Huetar, Bribri, Kuna, Quechua, Cabecar, Telire and every single tribe started to dwindle in number. People left these Nama Suku behind and started calling themselves “Mixed blood”: “Mestizo”, the first label they created after mixing a european and a indigenous person.

Indigenous people were forced to deny their own identity because under the spanish empire, “Mixed blood” would always have more rights and voice in society than any indigenous group.

Contrasting with Indonesia, my soul envies Indigenous people from here because they had better luck preserving their identitas suku: Javanese, Balinese, Bataknese, Sundanese, Dayak and all the others still have their indigenous identity, traditions, language, gastronomy, and cosmology. In Costa Rica, where my family is from, the Huetar people were almost erased from history. There is no religion. There are no traditional textiles. There is no traditional food. Not even an indigenous language was preserved.

But not everything is lost. Thanks to our ancestras (female ancestors) that ran away from indigenous communities into the mountains and got away from the white man. There are still today people with kulit sawo matang in every single country in Abya Yala and Turtle Island.

 

With the birth of the State, Indigenous people lost their rights. The land was given new names by the colonizers, and along with them a new social-cultural set of unknown rules. Women were now doomed to be in the kitchen. No opportunities to study, to decide on what career they wanted to pursue, or even time for themselves. “Los valores de la familia tradicional” (Traditional family ́s Values) forced a new set of ideas, behaviors, and expectations for women. After decades and decades of Spanish people ruling every aspect of indigenous peoples life. Women were expected to only be able to have kids. They were expected to be fertile. If they couldn’t have kids they were a failure. Even then, if the kids were spoiled, they were bad mothers. Women were expected to cook three meals a day for the family and clean the entire house by themselves. If they didn ́t they were dirty and irresponsible. And of course, a woman was expected have sex every time her husband wanted to even if she was not in a mood for it, and that would never be considered rape.

It’s impossible to talk about gender and socio-economic class without talking about skin color. The majority of women who didn’t finish school worked in the informal sector, had low incomes, and belonged to the working class for generations were brown women not white women from Costa Rica. This is still the situation today.

Colonization laid the foundations for a society that made sure white skin descendants of europeans maintained their position at the top of the ladder. Meanwhile, brown women born in the same country, until today don’t have the same economic status, don’t have the same opportunities, and face bigger challenges and racial violence every day.

Brown women are the ones cooking for white women. Brown women are the ones who stay at home cleaning houses when white women are outside, brown women are the ones who face discrimination based on their skin color, their job, and their background.

When it comes to feminism and fighting for women’s rights it’s kind of exclusionary to think that women that clean the house, raise the kids, and cook all day and every day have no way to feel empowered and build resistance from their kitchens.

“Socializing spaces in the kitchen can be used as a device to acquire and reinforce healing processes through resilience. This allows, to recognize inter and intrapersonal dynamics that build a sisterhood that takes place in the kitchen, thus managing to resignify the kitchen space in women as a potentiator of transformative processes of subjectivity” (Almanza Salazar,D. Parra Peña, AM, 2016, pág 3)

Being in the kitchen and spending many long hours there together, give women the opportunity to pass knowledge from generation to generation, to develop coping strategies, strengthen ties with other women and resignify past experience, current reality, and dreams.

Even though cooking and being in the kitchen could be for some women an empowering job, it is important to acknowledge that there is a lot of machismo (a system of oppression against women) that dismiss women and their work.

Society gave women the role of “Savior”. A savior woman understands that everyone else in the family is more important and comes before her. She is forced to work all day in the service of the family and receives a lack of financial retribution, continuous physical and emotional work, overtime and related health issues.The famous Abya Yala saying: “Quitarse el bocado de la boca” (take the bite out of your mouth) illustrates this well. It refers to the custom that women have when they decide to eat what’s left after their children and their husband have already eaten.

This abusive and exploitative cycle reminds women that every time that they go out to buy vegetables and fruits, they have to come back home soon to cook for those that are resting, without any economical remuneration, totally ignored unless they don ́t fulfill their husband’s and children’s expectations. Where different dynamics and power dimensions would remind her of inferiority and her responsibility as a caregiver.

It’s undeniable the oppression experienced by women in the kitchen but it is also true that women from Java, Bali, Kalimantan, Sumatra, Sulawesi, New Guinea, Abya Yala, and Turtle Island have the possibility to turn this space into an empowering reality by demanding that their husbands to learn how to cook, divide chores in the kitchen and have their own income.

british / spanish*: I refuse the use of capital letters to address the nationalities of colonizers.

Bibliography

American Indian COC. (2021) Native American Tribes and the Indian History in Chino Valley, Arizona. Amercanindiancoc.org https://americanindiancoc.or

Almanza Salazar,D. Parra Peña, AM. (2016) La cocina como espacio de empoderamiento, resignificación y sororidad en las mujeres. ¿Conversaciones en torno al fogón?. https://repository.javeriana.edu.co

Tabrizy, N. (Nilo). (October, 2021). New York Times. Searching for the lost graves of indigenous children. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iXKZ

UN WOMEN. (July, 2020) Intersectional feminism: What it means and why it matters right now https://www.unwomen.org/en/news

Stephanie Chaves

Stephanie Chaves

San José, Costa Rican visual artist, writer, and illustrator. She has been working on sexual education in Costa Rica for the past 8 years and is now doing research in colonized countries and writing about brown skin in Abya Yala. She has exhibited her works in Peru, Costa Rica, Spain, Indonesia, Italy, El Salvador, Mexico and Argentina. She has participated in artist residencies in El Salvador and Costa Rica. During the COVID19 pandemic, she started developing an indigenous visual aesthetic to honor her tribe's ancestors and speaks up about colonialism and white supremacy in Latin America. She is now living in Indonesia, learning from the tension between skin color and classism.

IMW from Taiwan’s Story “Expressing Art, Living Up Kitchen”

This story is a series of memories about my observation during my Indonesia-Taiwan Trans/Voice Project residency for 4 months, with an ethnography research method and focus on Indonesian Migrant Workers (IMW)’s artistic expression in Taiwan. 

This memory stems from the story of a friend named Tony Sarwono, an IMW from Yogyakarta, a factory worker. Starting from a casual conversation at the SPA Shelter in the Zhongli district, Taiwan, from his cell phone screen, he showed his painting in an abstract style. “I was painting semi-consciously,” he said. He acknowledged the “cathartic” moment that artists often feel when making works. It is like a whisper from within that makes him easily paint every thick line with a mix of colors that tend to be somber. Seeing Tony’s work and stories makes Deden Bulqini–who is familiarly called Bul–an artist from Bandung, immediately invited Tony to collaborate in an exhibition in the form of video art and installation works called “Ruang: Antara dan Sementara” (“Space: Between and Temporarily”) at the Open Contemporary Art Center (OCAC), Datong district, Taipei on June 15-16, 2019.  

Bul revealed that he was interested in seeing shelter in terms of its relation to space and the body of the migrant workers. As a temporary space, Bul sees the shelter as a transient house that functions as a stopover for troubled IMWs. Bul’s curiosity about the relationship between space and body were experimented in an art workshop. The result is in the form of four figurative body paintings. On the bodies of the paintings, videos of their activities while at the shelter were shot, such as: chatting, video calling with family/partners, fishing, to Mandarin language courses. 

That is also what happens to Tony who paints his friends who live in the shelter. He painted figures with expressions and activities of daily life.

“We are provided with food, bed and entertaining ourselves, well, it looks good but actually our minds are complicated, like a hope that is unclear,” said Tony, representing the feelings of his friends.

“Kita disediakan makan, tempat tidur dan menghibur diri, yah, kelihatannya enak tapi sebenarnya pikiran kita ruwet, seperti harapan yang belum jelas,” ungkap Tony mewakili perasaan teman-temannya. 

Moreover, he felt that his involvement in this exhibition resurrects said “inner whispers”, after both his body and soul became a factory machine for so long. “With this exhibition, I feel my artistic soul is back and able to be expressed,” Tony explained.

Tony Sarwono’s work, “Ruang: Antara dan Sementara” in Open Contemporary Art Center (OCAC), Datong district, Taipei. Doc.: Selvi Agnesia

Why do IMWs do art?

In the first week, when I was doing my residency in Taiwan, I faced an impediment while observing the community and artistic expression of migrant workers. The knowledge that obtaIned from reference books that I read is always about IMW’s activism in fighting for the rights of foreign exchange heroes, demands for workers’ justice to their employers, as well as their motivation to become IMW with an emphasis on reasons to support the kitchen and pay debts. Sima Ting Kuan, a Taiwanese friend who has been in the world of migrant workers for a long time, said that IMW’s dream was simple, “their dream is only for the family”. 

Furthermore, the problem of migrant workers in Indonesia is closely related to global migration. A number of international institutions have identified three main determinants that drive international labor migration: first, “attraction”, in the form of changing demographics and the demand of the labor market in high-income countries. Second, “repellence”, in the form of salary differentials and pressures in developing and poor countries. Finally, the network between countries based on family, culture and history (Irianto, 2011:7). Migration is a survival strategy considering that most migration is done for economic reasons. (OSCE, IOM, and ILO, 2006: 18). 

Economics is indeed considered to be a basic need for survival for oneself and their family, but as a whole (holistic), humans verily, according to psychologist Abraham Maslow, in the pyramid of human needs, do not only need physiological needs and a sense of security. More than that, the top of the pyramid of human needs according to Maslow are “esteem needs” and the need for self-actualization. With this in mind, I want to know what makes them feel happy and get life satisfaction. Therefore, I think art among the Taiwan IMWs will be interesting to study and research, especially communally in the form of an art community. 

The position of migrant workers is often considered a minority in the country where they work, but in 2019, there were 270.997 Indonesian migrant workers in Taiwan. The number of Indonesian migrant workers can be considered as the majority compared to other Southeast Asian countries. In addition, when compared to Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Singapore, which are favorite destination countries for IMWs, Taiwan itself, apart from Hong Kong, is more open to IMW’s artistic expression and literature activism of migrants. 

My view is increasingly open to IMW’s artistic activities after receiving an invitation to the 2019 Indonesian Independence Day Cultural Arts Festival with the title “Sensasi Kebebasan” (“Sensation of Freedom”) on August 18, 2019. More interestingly, the poster of this event displayed an abstract image from Tony Sarwono with a series of art performances that would be performed by various IMW art communities in celebration of Indonesia’s 74th Independence Day. 

This event started in the morning in the form of a cultural parade of PMI friends. They walked from the courtyard of the Taipei Main Station (TMS) to the National Taiwan Museum. In the courtyard of the Museum, there is already a stage where I watched various art performances, ranging from traditional dances, music, theater, pencak silat, Taiwanese singo barong/reog, Indonesian cultural fashion show, poetry recitals and such.

At this moment, my social network with friends from the art community began to develop. Almost every week, not only did I receive invitations to watch performing arts elsewhere, but invitations to karaoke, meals and get-togethers in the TMS hall, discussions, and even clubbing invitations were also sent via WhatsApp or LINE. I physically was in Taiwan, but I felt like I was still in Indonesia.

At the Indonesian Cultural Arts Festival, I got to know one PMI who has been active in the arts for more than 9 years better. Dwi Surwani, fondly called Emak, is the head of the Tresno Budoyo Studio. Emak as the director, together with the actors performed a theatrical performance entitled “Xiao Lei Kondang”, an adaptation of the folklore of Malin Kundang with the version of IMW’s life. Not only adapting a popular Indonesian folklore story, but Emak witnessed firsthand in her village about families who were abandoned by their children, or parents who left their children but never returned to the homeland. “The message from the story is, never forget your family and homeland,” said Emak.

Tresno Budoyo Studio rehearsal for the performance of “Xiao Lei Kondang”, July 2019 Doc.: Sima Ting Kuan Wu

In a conversation during a meal together, she revealed that the main reason for establishing Tresno Budoyo was “to free the soul of art”. Oftentimes, her job as a domestic assistant requires her to work 24 hours at her employer’s house. When it was time for holidays, Emak came to TMS with a big suitcase, filled with costumes and food. For the performance of “Xiao Lei Kondang”, she and the actors from different cities did rehearsals in the park. The difficulty in arranging the schedule for rehearsals is an obstacle for many IMW arts communities.  

Like the Tresno Budoyo studio, the reog art community “Singo Barong Taiwan” has a similar problem, apart from the problem of regeneration. One month before Singo Barong Taiwan performed in Pingtung, at the end of June 2019, I had the opportunity to visit their rehearsal site at the Indo Cen Cen Store in the Zhongli area, Taiwan. 

At that time, the personnels were rehearsing, on the top floor of the Indo Cen Cen Store. While waiting for the rain to stop, the personnel were seen sitting in a circle and having fun talking in Javanese. Meanwhile, the others, Lorena and Dinda, two jathilan dancers, were dressing up and getting ready to wear costumes. 

“We have been renting this place since a long time ago to meet up and store costumes, but for rehearsals, they are usually done in the park on the third week of every month,” said Heri, one of the Singo Barong Taiwan administrators. 

Two Singo Barong head masks decorated with peacock feathers look dashingly adorning the walls of the room. It is not an easy matter to bring both masks to Taiwan. The first masks were brought in in 2014 when the Singo Association was first established. Furthermore, in 2018 the second mask was imported. It took 1 million Taiwan dollars, or around Rp. 500 million to bring the Singo Barong mask. Where does the cost come from? Heri firmly stated that the cost was purely from the help of friends of Indonesian Migrant Workers. 

Entering the third generation and the fifth year of the establishment of Singo Barong Taiwan. The Society has toured in cities such as Hsinchu and many times in Taipei. Their presence is always awaited by IMW friends and the interest of the Taiwanese community in Indonesian arts and culture is also quite large. However, to date, the group’s problems are funding and player regeneration. “For us, spectators are numerous. The players are troubled”.

Singo Barong Taiwan Attraction in the Hall of Gungguan Elementary School, Pingtung County, Juli 21, 2019 Doc.: Sima Ting Kuan Wu

My conversations with Tresno Budoyo and Singo Barong Taiwan—along with other art communities—revealed the main problems experienced by the art community of migrant workers, which when summarized—with the limited number of pages in this article—among them: the problem of regeneration of members/players, sustainability of communities after being left by members whose work contracts have expired, as well as the continuation of art workers after they return to Indonesia. The space and time for rehearsals are difficult because of work, the audience which in fact is still mostly Indonesians only. Management and financial and labor support, the last is the stereotype of art workers with the label of migrant workers.

After I learned about these problems, I returned to the basic question: why, they —IMW arts community—are struggling to keep up with the arts, why is art important? Most of them answered straightforwardly, that: art is expression, art is entertainment, art is identity.

Memories of theatrical performances, dance, singo barong, and karaoke at an Indonesian warung that I witnessed and experienced with them during this residency seem to confirm it all. Art is important not only because they are IMWs, but they are human beings who need actualization, entertainment, catharsis and cultural identity values.

Overview

After returning from Taiwan, I and my friends from Trans/Voice and Sunday Screen Bandung, visited Cihonje Village, Gumelar sub-district, Banyumas, Central Java. Cihonje Village is one of the Productive Migrant Villages where around 70% of its residents have been an IMW. From the story of Yulia, one of the former IMW in Hong Kong and Macau who is currently active in Cihonje Smart House: in the past, this village had the potential of cloves as a natural resource until during the New Order era, cloves were capitalized as the main source of income for its residents. It is said that the story was told by one of the president’s children during the New Order era.

As a result, when the natural resources ran out, what was left were human resources who wandered their fate abroad. Initially, their parents worked in Saudi Arabia and Malaysia. In recent years, Taiwan and Hong Kong have become the main targets of overseas migration. 

The houses in Cihonje with their bright colored walls, the residents who mostly speak Mandarin and Arabic, as well as our meeting with dozens of IMW candidates in white shirts who attended training in Taiwan. All the memories of the events in Taiwan and Cihonje made me realize that the need for artistic expression and a steaming kitchen, like two sides of a coin, are inseparable. Hopefully my memory archive in this article is not just a story. Moreover, I am unable to fully represent the story of migrant workers because IMWs are also fully human beings. Those who want to do art, also make their family happy.

Selvie Agnesia

Selvie Agnesia

A writer, and art worker from Bandung who lived in Jakarta for a while. A graduate of Master of Anthropology, University of Indonesia. In 2019 participated in the Trans Voice/Project Indonesia-Taiwan Residency to observe the art community of Indonesian Migrant Workers. Her observations were presented at the National Taiwan Museum and Brillian Times (2019) etc. She has also attended a residency for Cultural Activists in New Zealand (2017). Production Manager of TeaterStudio Indonesia at the 2012 & 2013 Tokyo Festival etc. Some of her writings have been published in Kompas, Media Indonesia, Jawa Pos and various print and online media in Indonesia.

Pawon in Javanese Architecture

Dualism and Gendered Space in Javanese Architecture’s House

In Javanese vernacular architecture, the Javanese believe that the cosmos is composed of various opposing elements – heaven and earth, left and right, day and night, brightness and darkness, male and female, etc. Dualism denotes a state of two parts, of being dual; which refers to twofold divisions or a system of thought that recognizes two independent principles. The binary opposition between two elements is an important concept to understanding the cosmological principle. The Javanese believe that cosmos is formed by these dualisms, which was also the essential nature of Indochinese culture. These opposing binaries need to be placed, organized in a harmonious and balanced way, to gain cosmological equilibrium.  In Javanese architecture, these cosmological dualisms express spatial metaphor and symbolism, to explain the structures of opposition within the Javanese’s built environment.

In that case, the Javanese people perceive their house as a microcosm of the natural universe, so they seek balance in their housing design (Frick, 1997; Tjahjono, 1989; Prijotomo, 1992; Himasari, 2011). This dualism concept became a foundation for viewing Javanese architecture from a philosophical perspective. In the practices, it contributes to how the physical order, forms, and activity of Javanese houses are constructed. The house became a dialectical interaction of opposites, in which balance is maintained through spatial division, representation, and functions. The traditional Javanese houses spatial division, consist of emper/pringgitan, ndalem, senthong, gadri mburi omah, and gandhok. Whereas in a noble house, having a high social position, there is one more room called pendopo (pavilion) (Budiana Setiawan, 2010). Every existing space is created to meet the needs of the homeowner.In Javanese vernacular architecture, the Javanese believe that the cosmos is composed of various opposing elements – heaven and earth, left and right, day and night, brightness and darkness, male and female, etc. Dualism denotes a state of two parts, of being dual; which refers to twofold divisions or a system of thought that recognizes two independent principles. The binary opposition between two elements is an important concept to understanding the cosmological principle. The Javanese believe that cosmos is formed by these dualisms, which was also the essential nature of Indochinese culture. These opposing binaries need to be placed, organized in a harmonious and balanced way, to gain cosmological equilibrium. In Javanese architecture, these cosmological dualisms express spatial metaphor and symbolism, to explain the structures of opposition within the Javanese’s built environment. 

 

Figure 1. Spatial division in Traditional Javanese Houses (source. Revianto Budi Santosa, , taken from Joko Nugraho’s house in Kota Gede Yogyakarta 2018)

Another important concept in Javanese architecture is a hierarchy. The Javanese house was primarily arranged according to linear and centripetal organizations, which entailed the principles of duality and center (Prijotomos,1984). The Javanese house features spaces of opposite meanings, such as inner/outer, female/male, west/east but these opposites are neutralized and unified by a center. Moreover, the Javanese house is also divided into the front and rear, which respectively represent male and female domains, and at shadow plays/wayang represent the self and the other (Santosa , 2000). The boundary within the houses, formed as a line, wall, that divides the inner and outer space, and the pringgitan acts as the central point of the division of space. This transitional space metaphorically represents the transition from the universe to human space. It acts to clarify the meaning of duality and direction (Cairns, 1997; Mangunwijaya, 1992; Supriyadi, 2010). 

For instance, the concept of duality is manifested in the north-south axis line which has a relationship between the spaces of Senthong, ndalem, peringgitan, pendopo, and emperan. The front room is open, bright, and has a low floor. On the contrary, the back room is closed, dark, and has a high floor. Based on the house axis line, the domination of certain rooms can be distinguished based on gender. The kitchen (pawon) is a place of dominance for women, while the hall is a place for male domination. Therefore, the ndalem and Senthong rooms are becoming ‘center’ used as harmonizing spaces that can be used by both men and women. In ndalem, there is also a subdivision of dominance based on gender. The west side of ndalem is used for women, while the eastern part is used for men. The middle part of ndalem is used as a harmonizing space that can be shared by both of them (Gunawan Tjahjono, 1990). As a result, the social and cultural roles of men and women were constructed especially in domestic space (Handayani and Sugiarti, 2001). In Javanese houses, gender context can be seen in the arrangement of rooms at home, in a form of domain’s separation of the area between sexes. This spatial separation is related to each gender’s roles and activities. In that case, the Javanese people perceive their house as a microcosm of the natural universe, so they seek balance in their housing design (Frick, 1997; Tjahjono, 1989; Prijotomo, 1992; Himasari, 2011). This dualism concept became a foundation for viewing Javanese architecture from a philosophical perspective. In the practices, it contributes to how the physical order, forms, and activity of Javanese houses are constructed. The house became a dialectical interaction of opposites, in which balance is maintained through spatial division, representation, and functions.

 The traditional Javanese houses spatial division, consist of emper/pringgitan, ndalem, senthong, gadri mburi omah, and gandhok. Whereas in a noble house, having a high social position, there is one more room called pendopo (pavilion) (Budiana Setiawan, 2010). Every existing space is created to meet the needs of the homeowner. In Javanese vernacular architecture, the Javanese believe that the cosmos is composed of various opposing elements – heaven and earth, left and right, day and night, brightness and darkness, male and female, etc. Dualism denotes a state of two parts, of being dual; which refers to twofold divisions or a system of thought that recognizes two independent principles. The binary opposition between two elements is an important concept to understanding the cosmological principle. The Javanese believe that cosmos is formed by these dualisms, which was also the essential nature of Indochinese culture. These opposing binaries need to be placed, organized in a harmonious and balanced way, to gain cosmological equilibrium. In Javanese architecture, these cosmological dualisms express spatial metaphor and symbolism, to explain the structures of opposition within the Javanese’s built environment.

Figure 3. Gendered space in Traditional Javanese Houses (source. Personal Documentation, taken from Joko Nugraho’s house in Kota Gede Yogyakarta 2021)

The house consists of the opposite element, such as public-private, male-female, and god-human. These dualisms are applied to how the spatial layout is constructed. The female space is the most secret and private of spaces, an enclosed space where outsiders are forbidden to enter. The male space, on the other hand, is where public practices take place, a bright and open area that outsiders are allowed to enter. As discussed above, a balance between the opposing elements can be achieved by the existence of a center. All Javanese houses feature a senthong tengah (in an ordinary house) or a krobongan (in a higher-status house). This centrality can be understood from the perspective of god/humans. Within the space, the idea of ‘centrality’ manifests as a link, harmonizer, or unifier between two opposing concepts. When these two concepts are combined, they will develop into the concept of natural reality which consists of three things, such as birth-life-death, creating-maintaining-fusing, the world above the world of the mankind-the underworld, and others. (Gunawan Tjahjono, 1990).

Pawon in Javanese House

The spatial arrangement in Javanese houses follows the idea of social space, in which the architecture is formed based on social products and activities conducted individually and socially. This idea is reflected in interior space, such as the types of furniture used to fill different functions according to the needs of its inhabitants, including furnishing inside pawon. The knowledge of spatial arrangement is passed through generation so that it becomes a pattern in the community. This pattern is internalized by individuals in the form of dispositions that become a reference in their actions. Whereas practice is an action taken by society in the context of social interaction based on habitus or what is called an objective structure (Bourdieu, 1997)

In that case, the spatial layout in Javanese houses is a manifestation of the Javanese social structure, which follows the patriarchal structure. In the house, the space is divided into male and female areas. Upon this practice, the house became a cultural artifact, in which the cultural value is reflected in daily spaces. On the household activity, one of the spatial cores in domestic space is pawon.  Pawon, taken from the word ‘awu’ means ashes.  Pawon uses as space for domestic production, the activity of cooking, preparing food, or consuming is occurred within these spaces. Moreover, Pawon is also a shared space, in which social activities such rewangan, are taken place. Rewangan is a social activity, when neighbors, relatives gather to cook and prepare food for rituals, family, or any cultural events. These traditions involve both women and men across generations, to gather and prepare for the food together. Pawon has become a ‘hub’ space, for stimulating cooperation, connecting the owner into a social sphere. In addition, Pawon is also used for family gatherings or receiving close guests, or even entertaining the guest in large amben. In the past, the women make a batik or woven bamboo in Pawon, in their spare time when they finish cooking. Although it perceives as dirty and located on the ‘back of the house, Pawon has duals meaning, a private activity such as cooking, storing family recipes, but at the same time a space that enables social collaborations/public. In this space, women play an important role to manage the workflow and gaining social networks. Pawon , perceived as a safe space for women, and has a strategic role in  the life of Javanese’s daily activity.

Figure 4. Pawon ground plan (source. Personal Documentation, taken from Joko Nugraho’s house in Kota Gede Yogyakarta 2021)

The spatial arrangement in Javanese houses follows the idea of social space, in which the architecture is formed based on social products and activities conducted individually and socially. This idea is reflected in interior space, such as the types of furniture used to fill different functions according to the needs of its inhabitants, including furnishing inside pawon. The knowledge of spatial arrangement is passed through generation so that it becomes a pattern in the community. This pattern is internalized by individuals in the form of dispositions that become a reference in their actions. Whereas practice is an action taken by society in the context of social interaction based on habitus or what is called an objective structure (Bourdieu, 1997)

In that case, the spatial layout in Javanese houses is a manifestation of the Javanese social structure, which follows the patriarchal structure. In the house, the space is divided into male and female areas. Upon this practice, the house became a cultural artifact, in which the cultural value is reflected in daily spaces. On the household activity, one of the spatial cores in domestic space is pawon.  Pawon, taken from the word ‘awu’ means ashes.  Pawon uses as space for domestic production, the activity of cooking, preparing food, or consuming is occurred within these spaces. Moreover, Pawon is also a shared space, in which social activities such rewangan, are taken place. Rewangan is a social activity, when neighbors, relatives gather to cook and prepare food for rituals, family, or any cultural events. These traditions involve both women and men across generations, to gather and prepare for the food together. Pawon has become a ‘hub’ space, for stimulating cooperation, connecting the owner into a social sphere. In addition, Pawon is also used for family gatherings or receiving close guests, or even entertaining the guest in large amben. In the past, the women make a batik or woven bamboo in Pawon, in their spare time when they finish cooking. Although it perceives as dirty and located on the ‘back of the house, Pawon has duals meaning, a private activity such as cooking, storing family recipes, but at the same time a space that enables social collaborations/public. In this space, women play an important role to manage the workflow and gaining social networks. Pawon , perceived as a safe space for women, and has a strategic role in  the life of Javanese’s daily activity. 

Figure 5. Pogo, furnace and amben in Pawon (source. Personal Documentation, taken from Joko Nugraho’s house in Kota Gede Yogyakarta 2021)

One most important feature in pawon architecture are the furnace. As pawon has become a woman territory, the women have the opportunity to develop furnaces with various models and with various materials of fuels that exist in the environment as long as all with ecological considerations. The pawon architecture, tightly related to how the furnace is placed and circulates the smoke into outer space. Pawon is enclosed with many ventilations on the edge between the wall and roof’s beam. Then is also supported by the openings that invite the airflow and cross ventilation to minimize the room heat.  Pawon, utilized semi-open space with no rigid boundaries in the interior. The idea of interior space is defined by the arrangement of the cooking utensils. This spatiality supported the flexibility of the space, in which the space can be turned into a shared or private space. It did not follow the rigid functionality that the modern kitchen offers. Most of the pawon’s space has a high ceiling, to capture the heat and blow the air through the ventilation and roof tile’s gap. The high ceiling is also used to dry out the harvest, as the furnace’s smoke goes up to the ceiling. While the wall details on the pawon/kitchen are all made of masonry or woven bamboo equipped with double layers door. with the All walls somehow look black /dirty because of the soot coming from the burning furnace. The floor, made from solid ground, with no tiles. Pawon, also usually has a side door and back door access. Since the function of this space is to utilize more intimate interactions between neighbors and relatives, they usually enter through the back/side door. These doors, used by the servant or any activity that requires heavy loadings. The back/side door, connect to the backyard, which becomes a hub or communal space for several houses. These layers of space signified how both individual and social interactions, construct by spatial logic. The pawon, even though it became an ‘enclose’ space, dark, humid like a womb, also can become an open space, space for social interactions between intimate relatives.

Figure 6. Pawon sectional drawing, details of furnishin (source. Personal Documentation, taken from Joko Nugroho’s house in Kota Gede Yogyakarta 2021)

Technically speaking, with the spatial functionality, pawon produce heat and smoke that undermine the other house structure. This is the reason why, pawon is usually placed in omah mburi, detach from the main masses. The detachment allows one standing room, that has more flexibility to access the open air. So, the air thermal within the main houses cannot be influenced by the heat produced, and smoke from pawon.  Another dualism perspective, in which pawon became a safe space for women, but also the most dangerous space from a technical point of view. Then when the element of fire meets water, the cooking activity always involved these two sources. The woman who is in charge of pawon, plays an important role in balanced-out this opposite element, to breathe life into the households. 

Dea Widya

Dea Widya

Dea Widya (b. 1987, Blora) is an artist based in Bandung, Indonesia. Dea Widya is an Architecture graduate from the Bandung Institute of Technology, and often adopts design approaches in her experiments on the relationship between art and architecture, which exposes the invisible sides of architecture. She decided to take a postgraduate course in Fine Arts and explore the concept of space into installations, after working for an architectural design consulting firm and struggling to find the artistic/aesthetic side of architectural design. She explores a lot of site-specific and mixed media works, which are related to issues of city, space and architecture. Her method of work is related to cross-disciplinary research and collaboration.

Some of her works have been exhibited at the Power and Other Things exhibition, Europalia 2017, Jakarta Biennale 2015, Artjog 2015, 2019, Southeast Asia Triennale 2016, and London Design Biennale 2021. Besides that, she also teaches interior design at a private university, and conducts research that focuses on aspects of narrative, recollection, and memory in space.

Diskursus/FGD

Diskursus/FGD

Focus Group Discussion (First Session) “Peran Perempuan dan Dapur dalam Kebudayaan Jawa Hari Ini”

Upaya apa yang harus dilakukan agar kebudayaan Jawa bisa beradaptasi dengan fenomena kesetaraan gender?
Senin, 15 November 2021
Pukul 19.00 – 21.30 WIB


Pembicara:
Sri Margana – Dosen
Baiq Wardhana – Dosen
Dhyta Caturani – Aktivis Gender
Nining Elitos – Ketua Umum Kongres Aliansi Serikat Buruh Indonesia
Yasmine Aminanda – Observer, Gender Studies
Perwakilan 7 PMI Perempuan Klampisan Banyuwangi
Jihan Fauziah – Moderator, Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Jakarta


Ceramah dan Topik Diskusi

  • Bagaimana studi tentang gender membahas dua peran perempuan – “di dapur” dan “di luar dapur”?
  • Sejarah dan realitas masa kini kebudayaan Jawa tentang perempuan dan dapur.
  • Harapan sebagai pekerja migran perempuan Indonesia terkait pelemahan peran perempuan dalam kebudayaan Jawa.
  • Apa yang harus dilakukan negara untuk mengakomodasi pengetahuan-pengetahuan / transfer teknologi yang didapatkan TKW?

Post-Colonial Effect

Post-Colonial Effect

Post-Colonial Effect

Sepanjang Village Meeting Hall and a building formerly used as a cinema, Glenmore Subdistrict

November 3-4, 2020

– resiDance performance: 

Soemantri Gelar, Densiel Prisma Yanti Lebang, Richard Kalipung, Sanggar Tari Dita Muar, Glenmore Young Cineas, Marawis Musola Nurul Jadid, Andre Alas Raung, Adinda Putri

– Governance and Agribusiness Discussion:

  1. Iqbal Fardian – Speaker
  2. Bakti Setiawan – Speaker
  3. Abi Muhammad Latif – Moderator

– Glenmore Wine Coffee Discussion:

  1. Yudi Santoso – Speaker
  2. Nadia Syifa – Moderator

– Glenmore Sightseeing Tour:

  1. Andre Alas Raung – tour guide

Arsitektur Ingatan

The Architecture of Memory

The Architecture of Memory

The House of the Neighborhood Chairman and the Yard of Mrs. Naning’s House, Bayu Village, Songgon Subdistrict

November 13, 2020

  • History and Culture Discussion:

Hasan Basri – Speaker

Dea Widya – Speaker

Afrizal Malna – Moderator

  • Architecture Exhibition:

Rohing Bayu – Dea Widya

  • Performance:

Orkes Gambus Mutiara Nada

Gandrung Temu

Tubuh, Astronomi, Laut dalam perspektif Mandar

Body, Astronomy, Sea in Mandar’s Perspective

Body, Astronomy, Sea in Mandar’s Perspective

Muncar Beach, Kalimoro, Muncar Subdistrict

November 11, 2020

  • History and Culture Discussion:

Ridwan Alimuddin – Speaker

Syamsul Arifin – Speaker

Putra Yuda – Moderator

  • Site-Specific Performance:

Pantai Hitam dan Tubuh Badai (The Black Beach and The Body of the Storm) – Syamsul Arifin and Izzat Ramsi