Function Shifting of Hillocks in Jember, East Java

Author: Ahmad Siddiq Putra Yuda

Exploitation is a familiar term in Jember when it comes to the existence of hillocks. Hillock is one of the icons or identities intentionally attached to Jember Regency, besides tobacco. “Jember—the City of 1000 Hillocks” then became a phrase often used to identify Jember. According to BAPPEDA Jember, in 2012, there were over 1670 hillocks in Jember which experienced a decrease of 11% to this day. The decrease was due to the exploitation or mining activities. The existence of hillocks, which is the result of sedimentation from the eruption of Mount Raung, makes the exploited hillocks unable to regrow.

Jember Regency has three types of varied hillocks, namely stone hillocks, plate stone hillocks and sand hillocks. These three variables are beneficial for the survival of all living organisms. First, the excessive amount and distribution of hillocks throughout Jember Regency serve as windbreakers, as the position of Jember Regency is surrounded by two large mountains: Mount Raung and Argopuro. Second, the macro climate. With the presence of hillocks, the temperature in the surrounding environment tends to be lower due to the many types of plants growing on hillocks and, as a result, this reduces the potential for drought. Third, biodiversity is preserved. However, this usefulness is apparently not the main priority of Jember Regency policymakers since hillocks are included in C mining.

Mining practices on hillocks then shifted the function of hillocks, which essentially serve as an environmental balancer. This shift makes hillocks one of the commodities that has a high economic value because all materials contained in hillocks have economic value. Nature, which is the inorganic body of humans, must then be sacrificed to fulfill the needs (desires) of humans by sacrificing hillocks. In essence, humans must continue to dialogue with nature for their survival because humans are not able to live without nature. However, massive exploitation carried out on hillocks, where the stones are used for house foundations, decorations, and asphalt road mixtures, has the potential to bring negative impacts. For example, in research conducted by Puguh Akbar Priyanto in his thesis titled “Gumuk Exploitation in Antirogo Village,” it is explained that six whirlwind disasters occurred simultaneously in different places. The disasters occurred on March 29, 2013, in Kepatihan Village, Jember Lor, Kebonsari, Kaliwates District, and Patrang District.

The natural disaster phenomenon that occurs is not just because of God’s will or the anger of the hillocks’ stones that have become asphalt mixtures and house foundations. This happens because the former hillock mining lands have turned into residential and mini-market areas, so there are no longer natural windbreakers. For example, in Sumbersari District, a hillock that is well-known by the public as Kerang Hillock (literally translated as Clam Hillock) has now become a mall and apartment. The shifting of the function of hillocks, which were originally natural fortresses against wind and drought but now have turned into residential and mini-market areas, indicates that humans do not understand how nature works to fulfill basic human needs.

The Mount Raung and The Rest of Mount Gadung. Documentation: Google Earth.

Hillocks in Ledokombo, looking towards Mount Raung. Documentation: Google Earth.

Sepikul Hillock. Documentation: Rifandy P.

Kerang Hillock area has been transformed into residential areas, hotel, campus, and businesses. Documentation: Google Maps.

Migration and Invation

from Madurese to Roman;
at the range of the Hillocks dan Alpine Mountains

Author: Abi Muhammad Latif

The Madurese Migration to Jember

Poverty in Java Island, particularly in Madura in the 19th century, has led to migration to other regions. The motive behind this was to improve their standard of living. The residents migrated to sparsely populated areas.

Madurese ethnic migration to East Java has been going on for a long time. The migration pattern of Madurese people began with migrants arriving at their desired destination in small groups of around 10-15 people, passing through Sumenep, Kalianget, and crossing the Madura Strait to stop at the port of Panarukan. Next, from Panarukan, they headed towards Bondowoso or Situbondo to settle temporarily in coastal areas, and then they went to North Jember. From North Jember, they continued to South Jember, where they cleared up trees of the forests and established Madurese villages such as Jenggawah, Cangkring, and others. It is known that in 1806 there were already Madurese villages, just like those established in Jenggawah, Cangkring, and Muktisari located in South Jember. There were 3 villages in Pasuruan and 22 villages in Probolinggo.

The 1870 Agrarian Law issued by the Dutch East Indies was happily welcomed by private entrepreneurs in Jember. Many tobacco and sugarcane plantations were opened and required a considerable number of workers. Due to the dry, barren, infertile, and lime-containing Madurese land, thousands of Madurese people come to East Java every year to work in plantations. The wave of Madurese migration to the Jember area began with the efforts of NV LMOD (NV Landbouw Maatscappij Oud Djember), which needed labor to be employed in its plantations. Most of the Madurese migrants settled in the northern part of Jember (Kalisat District, Jember District, and Mayang District).

The Hillock Cave: folding space and time

In an effort to settle in Jember, migrant workers cleared the forests and hills. Then they built living quarters for their small groups. Human civilization in the hills and forests gradually formed as they reproduced and brought in other migrants from their hometowns.

In the hillocks of Jember, there are many caves with spiritual myths. Some believe that these caves can open a pathway (folding space and time) to Madura. Jember and Madura are located on two different islands; Jember is on the eastern part of Java Island, while Madura is a separate island to the northeast of Java Island. They are separated by the sea. Some people believe that to make a metaphysical journey from Jember to Madura through the cave, one must practice the rituals of tirakat/lelaku, which involve controlling or restraining one’s desires. If this practice is successful, then it is believed that someone can make the journey to Madura in the blink of an eye.

On top of the hillock of Mandireh, in the hamlet of Cora Lembu,  Planangan Village, there is a cave that can lead a journey to Madura. Based on the memory of Abu Saini’s father’s testimony, he entered the cave through its mouth, which has 3 stages (spaces), if the first level of tirakat (spiritual practice of self-discipline) is accepted, then one can proceed to the second level/space, and so on. If one has successfully passed all the 3 stages of tirakat in the cave on Mandireh Hillock, then Gendik, a male horse with long hair and beard, and eyebrows used as a headband, will come and take the individual in the spiritual (and physical) journey to Payudan/Pajudan Cave, Sumenep, Madura.

People say that the journey to Madura is only a blink of an eye, but in reality, to make a spiritual (and physical) journey from Jember to Madura takes more than a decade. Abu Saini’s father made his spiritual journey from Mandilis Mountain (Meru Betiri National Park) after meditating in the river for 15 years. When he woke up, his pants were covered in moss, and when he wiped them, the fabric disintegrated. His hair had grown to waist-length. Fifteen years felt like a week, he reminisced.

Abu Saini’s father successfully came out of the Mandireh Hillock Cave after meditating for 20 years. He went out of the cave carrying a keris wrapped in cloth and tied with roots. He then received many visitors (patients) who asked for medications. When he had to search for medicine, he instantly entered a trance state, sometimes riding on fence plants or flowers without damaging them (spiritually riding a horse), sometimes climbing hillocks and disappearing. He succeeded in passing down the knowledge of medicine to Abu Saini, his third child. He died at the age of no less than 100 years old.

Romans and the “Wall of Italy”

The Middle-Republican perception of the Alpine mountains as the “Italian Wall” was one of the factors that allowed the Roman Empire to remain in power for a long time. The attempt to cross the Alps to attack Rome was a significant event that was sure to be discussed by many historians for a long time. One of the most famous examples of this is Hannibal Barca, the military commander of the Carthaginian Empire in the Second Punic War.

Hannibal’s crossing of the Alps in 218 BC was one of the major events of the Second Punic War and one of the most celebrated achievements of any military force in ancient warfare. Hannibal led his Carthaginian army over the Alps and into Italy to take the war directly to the Roman Republic, bypassing Roman and allied land garrisons, and Roman naval dominance.

In addition to Hannibal, several individuals/groups also successfully crossed the Alps, such as the migration of the Gauls (189 BC), Charlemagne’s pursuit of the Lombards (772 AD), and (propaganda) Napoleon (1800). There is also the equally surprising story of Ötzi the Iceman, the well-preserved corpse of a mountaineer that was frozen in the Alpine climate for approximately 5000 years in the Ötztal valley. He was discovered by hikers in 1991, wearing only a loincloth and a grass cape, with bearskin (for the soles) and deer skin (for the upper part) shoes. He was also found with a copper-headed axe, a long bow, arrows, and a knife. The latest development (in 2016) is the Swiss achievement of constructing the longest train tunnel through the Alpine Mountain range, through Europe, from the west to the east.

The narrative of crossing the Alps has become so dominant, as if conquering an unbeatable part of nature. However, behind this “conquest” lies the consequences of the destruction and damage of the Alpine environment for human civilization. What if we reversed the subject-object perspective between the Roman Empire and the Alps? Instead of “Rome having a natural fortress,” it could be “The Alps have iron-clad foothills.” Or, the Alpine Mountains and the Roman Empire are on a picnic, discussing who is dominating whom.


Tobacco workers and tobacco pressing machines at Soekowono’s company at Besoeki’s residence. Documentation: KITLV (1910).

Sorting warehouse of Soemberbahroe tobacco company, Djatiroto – Djember. Documentation: KITLV (1920).

A cave on top of the Mandireh Hillock. Documentation: Abi Muhammad Latif.

“The second door” of the cave. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

Hannibal Barca. Mommsen’s “Römische Geschichte”.

Hannibal and His Army crossing the Alps, Heinrich Leutemann.

The Hustle and Bustle of Peaks: Blanggur, Off-road, and Snow Ski

Author: Ahmad Siddiq Putra Yuda

Jenggawah Hillock is one of the hillocks that is relatively large compared to other hillocks that are mostly less than 100 meters tall. With a height of over 160 meters, the people in Jenggawah district are more familiar with calling it a mountain. It is located adjacent to the Jenggawah district hall and villages such as Sruni, Cangkring, Wonojati, Jenggawah, Kertonegoro, Kemuningsari Kidul, Jatisari, and Jatimulyo, which are under the territorial jurisdiction of Jenggawah district, and they can clearly see the existence of the high hillock even from the Mumbulsari and Ambulu districts. There are two cemeteries located on the slopes of Jenggawah Hillock: the Chinese and Native cemeteries. Despite having the highest hillock in Jenggawah district, the local people today do not use it as a burial site. The Javanese people, who tend to bury important figures on high peaks, actually buried Bujuk Mareh, the first land-clearer in Jenggawah district, on a small hillock located just north of Jenggawah Hillock. On that small hillock, the grave of Bujuk Mareh is often visited by people to perform ritual activities. This indicates that the people of Jenggawah have their own way or pattern in positioning sanctifying traditions in Javanese culture.

Regardless of how the people of Jenggawah position burial locations, the people of Jenggawah in the 1970s-1980s had an annual collective activity. Collectivism, which refers to a social and philosophical orientation in which individuals place collective interests above personal interests, is expressed in the form of an activity called Blanggur.

Blanggur is a word that originates from the sound. It is a combination of the sounds of “Blang” and “Gur” which come from the explosion of a bamboo firecracker that is more than 1.5 meters long. The sound of “blang” is the effect of the bamboo explosion, and “gur” is the echoing effect of the explosion when the bamboo is launched upwards of about 300 meters. In the 1970s to 1980s, the people of Jenggawah used the Blanggur tradition once a year during the month of Ramadan to indicate the time for breaking the fast. People flocked to sit on the edge of rice fields with their families, bringing food and drinks to wait for the moment of the very loud explosion called Blanggur, accompanied by a bamboo piece launching over Jenggawah Hillock. When the sound of the Blanggur explosion began to fade, the people raised their hands to the sky. Prayers and gratitude were sung by the people before they finally devoured their meal under the Blanggur and Jenggawah Hillock. In the late 1980s, the Blanggur tradition was abandoned because people could mark the time of breaking the fast using radio technology.

Blanggur is one of the indicators that the presence of Gumuk has played a significant role in shaping the traditions of the community. The use of Gumuk’s topography seems to not only stop at the formation of a tradition but also in the economic and tourism sectors. Today, in Gumuk Jenggawah, there is an off-road vehicle attraction accompanied by the establishment of a café at the bottom of Gumuk. The presence of the off-road vehicle attraction has also changed the shape of Jenggawah Hillock, which was previously covered in trees and underbrush, to become bare in some areas for the sake of the track or path of the off-road vehicle. This phenomenon of utilizing topography for economic and tourism purposes is similar to the Aineck Katschberg Ski and Hiking Area in Austria.

Jeblugan (Blanggur) in Banten. Documentation: Banten News.

Bunggo (Blanggur) in Gorontalo. Documentation: Marwan Mohamad.

Jenggawah Hillock. Documentation: Abdul Mujib.

Aineck Katschberg. Documentation: Katschberg Appartements.

Tourist in Aineck Katschberg. Documentation: andtillycom.

The Community of Graveyards and the Goddess of the Alps as Guardians of Nature

Author Abi Muhammad Latif

It is unknown why many land-clearing figures chose to be buried at the top of the hillocks, but the phenomenon of the community of graveyards has a great influence on the existence of the hillocks. Before discussing the guarding of the hillocks, I would like to describe a few possible references to the graveyard at the top of the hillocks.

The first reference comes from a spiritual perspective: the height is an effort to be close to the Creator. This is quite related to the stories of the spiritual journey of the prophets and the gods, where the redundant narrative is always talking about what is up high, going to the up high, the high throne, the 7th heaven. Statues that are used as a medium for praying are also positioned higher than the one praying. Perhaps by burying them at the top of the hillocks, they will be closer to the One Up High.

The second reference comes from identity politics and belonging. The title of “community leader” is attached to the land clearers, making their final resting place a special one. In terms of materiality, this makes it easier for people who miss, idolize, and want to pray for them to be able to know about and visit their graves.

They are acknowledged as people of importance, even spiritually, so that new rites are born which are carried out by the people for this community of graveyards. This further strengthens the identity politics of the land-clearers as the dominant entities that give birth to myths, energies, and imaginary spaces outside of themselves.

The main actors in the history of civilization often mark their areas of authority or track traces. If drawn to the concept of power, this practice of marking, materially, is a form of self-accomplishment of what they are trying to achieve. The community of graveyards immediately marked what the land-clearers had accomplished, and those that became theirs. This is also good in terms of ownership conflicts (in this case land) after they die: the hillock that has been divided among the descendants of the one buried on its top is difficult to be sold and dredged. Objections will arise on ethical grounds and fear of disaster. If the hillocks are dredged, then automatically the signs of “authentic” historical material will also disappear. Community of graveyards in the hillock area as the dominant entity, is quite strong and still relevant as one of the last strongholds to protect the existence of the hillocks from mining activities. Even though several hillocks that have burial complexes are also being dredged, the rites and pilgrimages to the graves of the land clearers are still going on. As collaborative work, there needs to be cultural regulations that also contribute to maintaining this community, so that the hillocks will keep their existence, and complexity – between the materialized and the imaginary.

Goddess Raetia, The Guardian of the Alpine Meadows

Sontga Margriata ei stada siat stads ad alp
Mai quendisch dis meins
In di eis ella ida dal stavel giu
Dada giu sin ina nauscha platta
Ch’igl ei scurclau siu bi sein alv
Paster petschen ha quei ad aguri cattau
«Quei sto nies signun ir a saver
Tgeinina zezna purschala nus havein»

The text above is the first stanza of Canzun de la Songta Margriata, an old Swiss folk song recorded by Caminada. The song tells of a woman named Margriata who was found in the Alm of the Alps – a summer meadow for the milking of cows, goats, and sheep, as well as cheese production. According to ancient rules, Alm is forbidden for women.

Margriata worked in the Alps for 7 summers, and to work there, she had to cover her chest. In her 7th year, Paster Petschen (the shepherd’s son) realized Margriata was a woman. Margriata offered 3 sheep that could be sheared 3 times a year to Paster Petschen, as a bribe so he would not report what he saw to Senn, the Chief Shepherd. Paster Petschen ignored Margriata’s offer and told the Head Shepherd. Senn has absolute authority over humans and animals, so Margriata must leave Alm. She left behind a dried spring, withered meadows, and weeping cows.

Santa Margaret (Margriata)—a name that may come from Raetia, Reita, or Risa. Her name bears a phonetic resemblance to Raetia. Like the Goddess Raetia in ancient times, Songta Margriata is the invisible protector of the Alpine meadows. She had her main temple at Este in the River Po valley.

Through phonetic changes, especially in the Swiss regions of Tessin and Grison, the name Goddess Raetia or Reisa changed to Risa, Madrisa/Matreia, or Mother Risa. Many place names throughout the Alps are composed with the names Reita, Risa or similar forms.

Eduard Renner, in his book “Golden Ring above Urion Raeto-Romanche folklore” (1991), cites an ancient Alpine hymn or blessing, which Senn had to sing every night for the protection of Alm, the shepherds and their livestock. Using a large milk funnel as a megaphone, he sings a long prayer in the meadow, ending each stanza with a refrain:

All around this meadow is a golden ring,

And there sits Maria with her dearest little child…


The Community of Graveyards in the hillock area, in Sumbersari. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

The Community of Graveyards on top of Bujuk Mareh hillock. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

Bujuk Mareh graveyard on the top of hillock, Jenggawah. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

The national hero’s grave on the excavated hillock. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

Chapel in Tamsweg, Salzburg Lungau. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

St Peter Cemetery in Salzburg. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

St Peter Cemetery in Salzburg. Documentation: Studio Klampisan.

Medicine Man: A Sanctification Rite in the Marketplace

Author: Abi Muhammad Latif

Is it possible to find a sanctifying rite in a market crowd? Perhaps yes, perhaps not. In Jember, Banyuwangi, and Jakarta circa 2000 – 2010, we still found itinerant medicine (and book) vendors selling their spectacle actions involving magic or sorcery. The structure of the text/stories they recite often succeed in attracting and lulling the public to buy what they sell, and well in that.

Indeed, there are several styles of selling that they do, be it those that use storytelling tricks, and those that involve metaphysical powers. But what is most obvious, both of them have a storytelling style that is captivating and binding, sparking hope between tragedy/tragic-comedy attractions, involving metaphysics as a narrative medium or mode of work.

What I witnessed in the early 2000s: one medicine vendor (we will call him Medicine Man) created a bazaar in an open badminton court, close to Pasar Deprok (literal: Sitting Market), a traditional market in Cipinang Muara 3, East Jakarta. In their work, other medicine vendors often brought the audience as close to them as possible, but the Medicine Man was different. It was a rather cloudy night. Medicine Man spread out his stall with a fairly large tarpaulin. The audience was gathered some distance from him. Unexpectedly, he managed to master the large stage by himself with a performance of “fighting the spirit that attacked him”: he rolled backward then spat out nails and blood. Not quickly impressed, I thought it had been prepared previously.

But a few minutes after this attraction, my neighbor – whom I am closely acquainted with, volunteered to be a patient. He told the Medicine Man he had a hernia with a large swelling. Cliché but always effective, Medicine Man diagnosed that his patient was affected by dark magic. The drama of the second act entered into a structure of conflict.

The spectacle was getting bigger and more mysterious. Would the public, who mostly were acquainted with this patient, suspect that this event had been prepared? I began to weigh the metaphysical presence at that moment. The patient was put as if he was being exorcised: Medicine Man recited something to him, and he groaned. Before long, he vomited out quite a lot of nails and was covered in blood. The public was stunned – between fear and belief. Soon, the medicine (a kind of herbal powder and mineral water that had been covered with spells of prayers/mantras), as well as sheets of paper/books, were selling out fast.

The next day, from my house, I saw that the door ventilation of my neighbor’s house had been covered with Arabic writings on a sheet of paper. The paper was brownish yellow. My own brother has been deceived by the great show (as well as metaphysical things) the Medicine Man had put on. Thus, is it possible to find a sanctifying rite in a market crowd? Are we – the three foolish land-clearers—going to be the Medicine Men at the Tamsweg market that takes place at noon? Perhaps we will, firstly, have to learn how to spit out bloodied nails (read: food coloring).

The Medicine Man performs an attraction with the participants. Documentation: Heri Purtanto.

A Medicine Man is crowded by people in a traditional market in Aceh. Documentation: Saifullah Yusuf (2014).

The Medicine Man in West Java. Dokumentation: Abey.

The Medicine Man performs a throat-slitting attraction. Documentation: Jaya Wijaya 2017.

A Medicine Man wearing traditional costume in Medan. Documentation: Erwin Zn 2009.

Friday Market at Tamsweg Marktplatz, Salzburg Lungau. Documentation: Studio Klampisan (2022)

“Literasi” Performance

“Literasi” Performance

"Literasi" Performance

River Lo area, Singonegaran, Banyuwangi Subdistrict

November 7-8, 2020

  • Literature Exhibition: Ali Ibnu Anwar, Fattah Yasin Noor, Muttafaqur Rohmah, Slamet Ari Wibowo
  • Site-Specific Performance

Pameran Wisata Kali Lo (River Lo Tourism Exhibition) Dendi Madiya

  • Site Specific Perofmance

Tur Ruang Tunggu (Waitin Room Tour) – Sophiyah K

  • Work and Anthropology Discussion:

M Zamzam Fauzanafi – Speaker

Putra Yuda – Moderator

Foolish Land-Clearers

Foolish Land-Clearers
a 45 km long landscape performance
• May 26th – June 1st 2023 •
• Tamsweg – Zederhaus, Salzburg Lungau •
• Supergau Festival 2023 •

this performance plays with the position of ownership under the power influence of personal, communal, and nature itself. we – three foolish land clearers — will walk from Tamsweg to Zederhaus to talk with the public, negotiate with nature, gaze at and react to culture, power, history, exclusivity and markets. we invite you to participate in our performance and encounter Lungau’s landscape, which we have intervened with movements, archives, and mantras.

we are bringing news about hillocks in Jember, which are about to be demolished. borrowing Samson’s superpowers for us to bring back home. exchanging parts of hillock’s ecosystem with your stories about Lungau’s landscape. we planted the corpses on tops of hillocks, do tourists leave smoke on your snow? we can be pots of bonsai for you to display on your lavish apartment. my ancestors were land clearers. we are bringing your mountains which got bald, ran over by snowboards. hello, market, can I sell hillocks here?

once upon a time, 2000 years ago, on the far east of Java Island,
the Gadung Mountain was heavily pregnant. the nature rumbled.
the cry of Gadung is the cry of 22 cracked bones.
a baby was ejected, 60 km to the west. the hillocks were born.

the bodies of hillocks were slashed,
the hearts were labelled with ownerships,
the faces became cassavas and bamboos,
the feet turned into paddy fields,
and, on the tops of their heads,
corpses were planted.

Supported by Land Salzburg, Supergau Festival, Consina, and Bedadoeng Project

Famine: Corn-bustion

Work In Progress

In a year when the economic crisis is very much latent, the Indonesian government is aggressively allocating its funds to the food estate program. In short, it is a food storage heralded as the country’s food supply in the case of crisis. However, in practice, the aroma of colonialism a la cultuurstelsel, which was done by the Dutch during its occupancy of Indonesia, shows its traces. “Forced” renting and planting are reintroduced. The president asked thousands of village heads to negotiate with farmers and land owners, which pressured them not to refuse, “for the sake of the homeland”. Exasperatingly, instead of the farmers themselves, the military is appointed to cultivate the agricultural lands.

Corn, to the Indonesian people, is the symbol of survival amidst poverty – a symbol of hunger. Corn was once a political tool for several previous Indonesian presidents used to alleviate people’s tension over an ongoing crisis. 

Prior to the Green Revolution of Indonesia, paddy rice was an expensive and exclusive crop. Most of the people who resided in the eastern part of Indonesia consumed corn instead of paddy rice. Corn rice is the staple food of the poor here, especially in areas where the terrains are too dry and not suitable for paddy.

The biofuel practice is like opening the door to continuous social inequality. Third-world countries will only be an evergreen land for the rich to invest their money, while hunger is never really solved here. 

Observing the phenomenon of biofuels – the combustion of corn and driving cars – leads us to re-evaluate the welfare of humans and nature. Has mobility become much more valuable than hunger? Is mobility created only through the act of combustion? In fact, the mobility of the minds of the poor (historical materialism) to process corn into staple food has brought us a better standard of living. The corn we eat makes us move our bones and joints.

Mama’s Imagination Kitchen: 360° Video Performance

Based on Afrizal Malna’s writing, there are seven performative reconstruction videos produced in Studio Klampisan’s dapur imajinasi mama program. the kitchen as an imagination reflects images of family life, family dreams, hopes, failures and suffering. this imagination can turn into a kind of magical and thrilling adventure, because some of these workers are not equipped with sufficient knowledge about the language, skills and local culture in which they work. the use of 360 camera technology in the making of this performative reconstructive video, can add to the dramatic elements of this thrilling adventure and is potentially dangerous.

The practice of diversion and exchange in the seven videos has indeed shifted the experience of female as migrant workers into a public event. viewers become more aware of the complexities faced by migrant workers; and how they fight for their rights to get proper wages, working hours and days off. rights that were never explicitly stated when they worked as house helpers in Indonesia, because in Indonesia their position was disguised by viewing them as part of the household.

Video 360


Exchange is a digital-based platform for culture, identity, and trauma exchange. exchanges are triggered through fashion / appearance / traditional attire in post-traumatic and post-identity efforts.

team / collaborator:

1. Dayu Prisma – Producer

2. Abi ML – Facilitator / Director

3. Afrizal Malna – Curator

4. Arung Wardhana – Dramaturg

5. Dwi Febrianti – Front End Developer

6. Khoirul Umam – Back End Developer

7. Kafana Fityah – Translator


1. Arindah Arimoerti – Psychologist

2. Annisa Febby – Traditional Attire Designer

3. Deddy Endarto – Historian

4. Dwi Cahyono – Historian / Archaeologist

Supported By :